Wednesday, August 27, 2008

Michael Spencer on the Word of the Cross

http://jesusshaped.wordpress.com/2008/08/25/verses-the-word-of-the-cross/

Verses: The Word of the Cross



I Corinthians 1:

18 For the word of the cross is folly to those who are perishing, but to us who are being saved it is the power of God. 19 For it is written,

"I will destroy the wisdom of the wise,
and the discernment of the discerning I will thwart."

20 Where is the one who is wise? Where is the scribe? Where is the debater of this age? Has not God made foolish the wisdom of the world? 21 For since, in the wisdom of God, the world did not know God through wisdom, it pleased God through the folly of what we preach to save those who believe. 22 For Jews demand signs and Greeks seek wisdom, 23 but we preach Christ crucified, a stumbling block to Jews and folly to Gentiles, 24 but to those who are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of God and the wisdom of God. 25 For the foolishness of God is wiser than men, and the weakness of God is stronger than men.

The cross is a word. It speaks.

That is why the communication God most values about the cross is the preaching and proclaiming of the Gospel in words.

The cross is, as Paul says elsewhere, an "appeal" from God to reconciliation. It is an announcement that contains an offer. It is a proclamation that has ultimate relevance. It is a word that divides the world into cross appreciators and cross enemies.

The word of the cross is foolishness to a religious world that demands God respond with a miracle when they pull the string. The God of the cross is not a performer. He is not a cosmic servant or entertainer there when religious people insist he show up and do what is necessary to convince the sleeping and the bored.

God has spoken his Word in Jesus, and we now speak that Word in the power of the Holy Spirit.

The word of the cross is foolishness to the wise of this age for whom God must present his case in order to win their approval. Because the cross does not play to the wisdom of the world or to the world's applause, it earns the contempt of those who demand intellectual fashionability for truth.

Do not miss this: God has purposely chosen to reveal himself in such a way that the demands of religion and worldly wisdom are utterly humiliated. The cross is the moment of contempt and degradation. There is no beauty about the cross that we would want to be associated with it. It cannot play on the world's stages or earn the admiration of the elites.

The wisdom of God is the God/man nailed to the tree, the sins of the world placed on the crucified one, the wrath of God poured out in the midst of the cruelty of human execution, the forgiveness of God a finished sacrifice that we neither deserve nor ask for.

The cross speaks of God, of his son, of his Gospel. To the ones who are being saved, it speaks the pearl of great price, the priceless treasure in a field, the one thing valuable. To the world, the cross speaks nothing but a fantasy.

There is no way to make the cross anything other than what it is. Every artistic portrayal of the cross must ask if it points beyond itself to the cross that saves, the cross where sin is condemned and the blood of the lamb purchases a people for God.

We live in a time when evangelicals and many protestants shun the cross for another Gospel. I thank God that so many of our Catholic brothers and sisters continue to value the cross. Even as we may disagree on its meaning, there is little doubt where one is more certain to hear the word of the cross these days. Luther and Calvin would be ashamed.

The word of the cross, proclaimed in scripture and placed at the center of a living faith, does what the cross does.

"If I am lifted up, I will draw all men to myself."

The word of the cross, if obscured, will be as powerful as ever, even in its humiliation at our hands.

The word of the cross is the power of God.


Saturday, August 23, 2008

N.T. Wright on Jesus Studies from "The Meaning of Jesus: Two Visions"

N.T. Wright on Jesus Studies

From Marcus Borg & N.T. Wright, "The Meaning of Jesus: Two Visions"

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Part of the challenge of history comes from allowing suspicion a proper role. Suspicion, that is, of the texts themselves, of one's colleagues' readings, and particularly of one's own. However, a caution is necessary. The guild of New Testament studies has become so used to working with a hermeneutic of suspicion that we find ourselves trapped in our own subtleties. If two ancient writers agree about something, that proves one got it from the other. If they seem to disagree, that proves that one or both are wrong. If they say an event fulfilled biblical prophecy, they made it up to look like that. If an event or saying fits a writer's theological scheme, that writer invented it. If there are two accounts of similar events, they are a "doublet" (there was only one event); but if a singular event has anything odd about it, there must have been two events, which are now conflated. And so on. Anything to show how clever we are, how subtle, to have smoked out the reality behind the text. But, as any author who has watched her or his books being reviewed will know, such reconstruction again and again miss the point, often wildly. If we cannot get it right when we share a culture, a period, and a language, it is highly likely that many of our subtle reconstructions of ancient texts and histories are our own unhistorical fantasies, unrecognized only because the writers are long since dead and cannot answer back. Suspicion is all very well; there is also such a thing as a hermeneutic of paranoia. Somebody says something; they must have a motive; therefore they must have made it up. Just because we are rightly determined to avoid a hermeneutic of credulity, that does not mean there is no such thing as appropriate trust, or even readiness to suspend disbelief for a while, and see where that gets us. (pp. 17-18)

 

 

 

            Almost all scholars still believe that the earlier the material, the more likely it is to bring us into contact with historical bedrock. This assumption is by no means always justified, but let us remain with it for the moment. It at once opens us the long-standing problem about the sources that, whatever one's prejudices, are bound to play a large role at some point: the synoptic gospels (Matthew, Mark, and Luke).

            Further stages of investigation are frequently undertaken. Prior to the writing of the gospels and their sources, the material probably circulated in oral forms, which can be studied in terms of their likely settings. When the gospel writers used their sources, they can be presumed to have selected, adapted, and arranged the material.  A three-stage development can then be postulated: (1) the shaping of preliterary oral traditions; (2) the collection of oral traditions into literary sources; (3) the collection and editing of these literary sources into polished gospels. In case this were not already sufficiently complex, it is frequently supposed that we can and should also investigate further hypothetical stages of the history of Jesus traditions between these three.

            If all this worked, and if most scholars agreed about it, it would be fine. But it doesn't, and they don't, and it isn't. Despite frequent claims, a century of research has failed to reach anything like consensus on a single one of the stages in question, let alone on the hypothetical developments in between. Thus:

 

1. There are dozens of different proposals about how to analyze the forms of the early tradition and about what elements of the life of the early church they may reflect. None commands widespread agreement.

 

2. There are at least two widely held, variously developed, and mutually incompatible theories about the literary sources of the synoptic gospels: (a) The majority still hold that Mark was written first  and that behind the passages in which  Matthew and Like overlap with each other but not with Mark was a source that scholars call Q. A vocal minority within this majority claims to distinguish different stages in the development of Q; many others, though believing firmly in Q, offer radically different explanations of its origin or, alternatively (like Marcus [Borg]), regard all such further theories as at best unprovable. (b) A minority, however, hold that Matthew was written first and was used by both Mark and Luke (so that Q never existed). Further, several who agree with the majority on Marcan priority agree with the minority that the overall between non-Markan passages in Matthew and Luke is better explained by Luke's use of Matthew than by a common source.

 

3. Mutually incompatible theories abound as to where, when, and why the synoptic gospels came to final form. Since there is no agreement about sources, there is no agreement as to how and why the different evangelists used them. If, for instance, we believe that Matthew used Mark, we can discuss Matthew's theology on the basis of his editing of Mark. If we don't believe Matthew used Mark, we can't.

 

4. In the nature of he case, if there is no agreement about how the tradition developed in these major stages, there is no chance of agreement on possible levels or layers in between.

 

            One reason for the continuing impasse on these questions is that they are often addressed, and solutions to them proposed, with more than half an eye on the probable outcome for the supposedly second-order questions concerning Jesus. The Q theory came to birth as a part of a conservative response to radical nineteenth-century skepticism; it provided, so it was said, a reliable and early source for Jesus' sayings. Now, however, some who promote it do so in the hope that, by isolating a hypothetical "early Q", they may offer a radically alternative vision of Jesus and early Christianity to that which appears in the synoptic tradition as a whole. Similarly, Marcan priority has sometimes been used as a way of affirming that the early church preserved a memory of Jesus' career, at least in outline; Matthean priority is now sometimes presented as a way of ensuring the authority of sayings (parables, for instance) which might otherwise be suspect as occurring only in one source, and that a late one. And so on, and so on. (pp. 20-22)

 

Friday, August 22, 2008

John Frye on "The American Sound Byte Gospel" [4-step 'Gospel' presentations]

http://www.jesustheradicalpastor.com/the-american-sound-bite-gospel

I am stunned that some Christians still defend a sound byte gospel. You know, the 4 steps, the "bridge over troubled waters" packaged presentation. Shrimpy little things. The wondrous, thunderous, mind-boggling, heart-stopping gospel of the Bible and of Jesus himself is horribly reduced to bumper sticker phrases.

With what other literature or great story do we do this? None to my knowledge. Imagine the classic story (and movie) of Ben Hur reduced to…

  • Ben Hur accidently killed a Roman soldier.
  • Ben Hur was a galley-slave.
  • Ben Hur drove in a big chariot race and won.
  • Ben Hur met Jesus at the Cross when his mother and sister were healed.

Wow. I really know the story now. Do YOU believe in Ben Hur?

How about Anne of Green Gables?

  • Anne Shirley meets Marilla and Matthew.
  • Anne worries over her freckles and dyes her hair green.
  • Anne doesn't like the Pye children.
  • Anne becomes a teacher and serves blind Marilla.

Doesn't that story just rock? Do YOU believe in Anne of Green Gables?

Or, even Pilgrim's Progress.

  • Pilgrim goes on a journey.
  • Pilgrim carries a sack of sin.
  • Pilgrim meets a lot of interesting people.
  • Pilgrim ends his quest and his sack of sin falls off.

Wow! Pilgrim gets saved! Do YOU believe in Pilgrim?

You think, "John, this is so silly." I agree. But the question remains: Why do we reduce "the greatest story ever told" and confidently act as if we've done something noble, even holy? This horrible reduction is actually stupifying. The sweeping, rumbling, massive saga of the Bible and the Spirit-energized, Jesus-intense Gospels get miniaturized to…

  • God loves you.
  • You are a sinner.
  • Jesus died for you.
  • Believe in Jesus now.

Hand me my microscope so I can see this "gospel." Wow. Do YOU believe in Jesus? If so, you get to go to heaven when you die.

A bumper sticker gospel creates sound bite believers who parrot things rather than live into the sweeping Story of God's amazing, amazing grace. A reduced Gospel has produced no-different-from-the-sound byte-culture Christians. When will we wake up?


Tuesday, August 19, 2008

Mark Dever, "Inerrancy of the Bible: An Annotated Bibliography"

http://sites.silaspartners.com/partner/Article_Display_Page/0,,PTID314526|CHID598014|CIID1552716,00.html


Inerrancy of the Bible: An Annotated Bibliography

By Mark Dever

            Behind the centrality of expositional preaching is the assumption of the authority and truthfulness of God's Word.  At a recent meeting with the pastoral assistants here at Capitol Hill Baptist Church, I gave a quick bibliography of the history of the controversy over inerrancy.  I thought it might be useful for you, too.  Many of these books will be well known to those of you who are my age and older, but many may not be known to those of you who are younger.  Here, then, are some resources for you about the matter of biblical inerrancy. 

            Of the making of books on inerrancy, there is no end.  Ours has not been the first generation to deal with the questions at the root of it, and, if the Lord tarries, ours will not be the last.  Though the discussion changes—now we've largely moved on to discussions of epistemology, hermenuetics, postmodernism and biblical theology—we continue to assume what we have learned, particularly in the massive amount of reflection that went on in the 20th century among evangelicals about this issue.

            The roots of this discussion are, of course, ancient.  Passing by Psalm 119, Our Lord's use of scripture, early citations and the discussions of Aquinas and the Reformers, let's begin our modern bibliography with the work of Francis Turretin (1623-1687).  Turretin's work influenced generations of theologians and ministers both in Europe and North America.  The section on Scripture was translated, edited and printed by John W. Beardslee III (Baker, 1981).  This volume—in its Latin original—exercised great influence upon generations of evangelical ministers trained at Princeton and other evangelical institutions.



The Nineteenth Century


            The classic work on this in the first half of the 19th century, which really acts as a backdrop to all the discussion to come was by L. Gaussen, professor of systematic theology in Geneva, Switzerland.  It was translated into English in 1841 as Theopneustia:  The Plenary Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, and has been reprinted many times.  Additionally, Simon Greenleaf (1783-1853) , a celebrated professor of legal evidence at Harvard, had lectured on the reliability of the gospels.  These lectures were published posthumously as The Testimony of the Evangelists:  The Gospels Examined by the Rules of Evidence in 1874 and have been re-printed many times.  In some ways, the arguments here are the grandparents of those which have been recycled many times by people from the late Sir Norman Anderson to Josh McDowell and other apologists. 

            At the same time, on the other side of the Atlantic, the historian and archaeologist Sir William Ramsay was publishing a series of works which, among other things, established the historical veracity of the accounts of Luke and Paul in the New Testament.  Among this series of works are

            The Church in the Roman Empire before A.D. 170 (Hodder and Stoughton, 1894)

            St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen (Hodder and Stoughton, 1895)

            Pauline and Other Studies in Early Church History (Hodder and Stoughton, 1906)

            The Cities of St. Paul (Hodder and Stoughton, 1907).
This series of volumes—10 in all—have often been reprinted, and they have continuing historical value.



Princeton & Westminster


            At the same time in the late 19th century systematic theological reflection was represented by works from scholars at Princeton and Southern Baptist Theological Seminary.  In 1881, A. A. Hodge and B. B. Warfield co-wrote an influential article on Inspiration (later reprinted under the title Inspiration, with an introduction and appendices by Roger Nicole (Baker, 1979).   A few years later, Basil Manly, Jr., published his little volume The Bible Doctrine of Inspiration (A. C. Armstrong & Son, 1888).  This volume grew out of the controversies at Southern Seminary regarding the theological apostasy of an Old Testament professor there, C. H. Toy.

            Throughout his career at Princeton, B. B. Warfield published articles on the doctrines of the nature, inspiration and inerrancy of Scripture.  After his death, they were brought together in what has become perhaps the most influential book among conservative evangelicals on the topic—certainly the most often-cited:  B. B. Warfield, The Inspiration and Authority of the Bible (Presbyterian and Reformed, 1948).  The book is really a collection of articles by Warfield written in the late 19th century.  These articles are often referenced, but too rarely read.  They are dismissed by caricatures when they are in fact models of careful exegetical work.  More could be said, but let me simply commend them to the reader.

            Of course, this issue was at the heart of the creation of Westminster Seminary from the orthodox remains of Princeton.  J. Gresham Machen argued out that Christianity and liberalism are really two different religions.  In 1923 he published these arguments as Christianity and Liberalism (reprinted by Eerdmans).  This argument would be picked up again by J. I. Packer forty years later in his "Fundamentalism" and the Word of God.  Bradley Longfield has provided an excellent historical overview of the Princeton struggle, with some reference to the theological issues in his book The Presbyterian Controversy:  Fundamentalists, Modernists & Moderates (Oxford, 1991).



Mid-Century America


            In the middle decades of the 20th century, the battle for inerrancy seemed over in the mainline and irrelevant for the convinced conservatives, the evangelicals.  There were, nevertheless some more North American and British publications which continued to explore the issues.

            On the North American side, a colloquium of the faculty at Westminster Seminary published its papers in a volume entitled The Infallible Word, edited by Ned Stonehouse and Paul Woolley (Westminster Theological Seminary, 1946).  Undertaken to celebrate the tercentennary of the Westminster Confession of Faith, this was the first of many edited collections of essays on the topic to be forthcoming over the next forty years.  The Westminster faculty continued to be helpful.  Ned Stonehouse encouraged Norval Geldenhuys, a South African minister, to publish Supreme Authority (1953).  In 1957, Westminster Professor of Old Testament E. J. Young published his quite substantial volume, Thy Word is Truth (Eerdmans, 1957), perhaps the most significant work on the topic to that date by an evangelical in the 20th century.  Also in 1957, R. Larid Harris published his careful work on the Inspirtation and Canonicity of the Bible (reprinted as Inspiration and Canonicity of the Scriptures, 1995).   In 1958 Carl F. H. Henry, the editor of the new magazine, Christianity Today edited a large collection of essays, Revelation and the Bible, (Baker [US]; Tyndale [UK] 1958), in which many of the leading evangelicals of the day summarized Christian teaching.  Henry's wide scope was a foreshadowing of what was to come from him later.



British Resources


            In the United Kingdom, other resources were coming to help with the inerrancy controversy.  In 1958, J. I. Packer published "Fundamentalism" and the Word of God (IVCF, 1958) in response to high churchman Gabriel Hebert's Fundamentalism and the Church of God, and to liberal criticism of the recent Billy Graham crusades in Cambridge and London.  Packer's concise summaries and arguments were powerful and influential.  He immediately became something of a spokesman for the conservative evangelicals in the Church of England and beyond.  His book used some of the same arguments as Machen's earlier volume, but somewhat refined—less polemic, more taxonomy.  In 1965 the Evangelical Fellowship in the Anglican Communion published another work of Packer's, even more focused on Scripture, called God Speaks to Man.   It was expanded and reissued by IVP in 1979 as God Has Spoken, and then published by Baker in 1988 (this time including the Chicago Statements) and came out in a third edition with a new foreword in 1993.  It is an excellent introduction to the whole discussion.  In 1976, the Australian New Testament scholar, Leon Morris, published a book (Hodder & Stoughton, UK; Eerdmans, USA) in the "I Believe" series, I Believe in Revelation.  Morris had decades earlier established his controversial and scholarly credentials with his defense of the idea of propitiation in the atonement over against C. H. Dodd's work.   And in 1978 Brian Edwards, a free church pastor, brought out a popular volume called Nothing but the Truth.  This was expanded and reissued in 1993 (Evangelical Press).

            On a more academic level (largely ignored in this article) our British friends were making further contributions to maintaining the inerrancy of Scripture.  F. F. Bruce had first written The New Testament Documents: Are They Reliable? in 1943 (IVP).  The book has gone through numerous editions and some expansion since then, never going out of print or losing its concise usefulness.  These are 120 pages worth reading.  In the same "reliability" genre, though out of chronological order, let me simply mention a couple of other books:  Craig Blomberg, The Historical Reliability of the Gospels (IVP, 1987) with a foreword by F. F. Bruce, and Walter Kaiser's The Old Testament Documents:  Are They Reliable and Relevant? (IVP, 2001).   F. F. Bruce's contributions to the field of New Testament studies are many, but for the purposes of this topic, the one other book you should be aware of is his book The Canon of Scripture (Chapter House, 1988).

            Two stalwarts in the academic trenches that were helpful to evangelical students from their publication in the 1960's until the present day were more technical introductions that helped students to sort through knotty questions of dating and authorship.  They were the introductions written by Donald Guthrie and R. K. Harrison.  Throughout the 1960's the Anglican clergyman Donald Guthrie was teaching at London Bible College and publishing his introductions to various portions of the New Testament.  They were finally brought together and published as one volume in 1970 (IVP) and have remained in print since then, with a final, fourth revised edition appearing in 1990.  And in 1969, Professor R. K. Harrison of Wycliffe College, University of Toronto, Canada, published his magnum opus, Introduction to the Old Testament (Eerdmans, 1969).



The Change at Fuller


            All of this academic work took place against the background of shifting currents inside evangelicalism.  The most significant change was the dropping in the early 1960's of Fuller Theological Seminary's commitment to the inerrancy of the Bible.  George Marsden has given us a clear history of this in his book Reforming Fundamentalism:  Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism (Eerdmans, 1987).  This, read in conjunction with Longfield, makes particularly interesting reading.

            The late 1960's and 1970's found evangelicalism digesting the changes that were happening.  Clark Pinnock, a young Canadian professor at New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary stoutly defended inerrancy.  He had studied with F. F. Bruce, and in 1966 gave the Tyndale Lecture in Biblical Theology which was published the next year as A Defense of Biblical Infallibility (Presbyterian and Reformed, 1967).  For the next few years, Pinnock continued to ably defend this view.  He did so most extensively in his book Biblical Revelation:  The Foundation of Christian Theology (Moody, 1971; reissued with introduction by J. I. Packer, Presbyterian and Reformed, 1985). Throughout this period, Francis Schaeffer was exercising a strong influence on the rising generation of evangelicals.  Many of his works presumed the importance of inerrancy.  A good example of this would be in his little 1968 IVP book, Escape from Reason. 

            By 1973 more conservative evangelicals were understanding that significant shifts were underway and were wanting to respond to them.  Popular teacher R. C. Sproul assembled a group of conservative leaders—John Frame, John Gerstner, John Warwick Montgomery, J. I. Packer, Clark Pinnock—to frame "The Ligonier Statement" affirming biblical inerrancy.  They presented papers and published them in an informative volume, John Warwick Montgomery, ed., God's Inerrant Word (Bethany Fellowship, 1974).  (Pinnock, of course, would later disown this position in his book, The Scripture Principle, [Harper & Row, 1984]).



Lindsell v. Rogers & McKim


            "The book that rocked the evangelical world" as its been called (by its own publisher) was published in 1976.  That year Harold Lindsell, part of the losing faculty at Fuller ten years earlier, published his expose of the theological slippage on the issue of inerrancy.  He named names.  The book—The Battle for the Bible (Zondervan, 1976)—is a must-read for understanding the whole controversy over inerrancy.  He pinpointed problems in the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod, in the Southern Baptist Convention, and in Fuller Theological Seminary, among others.  To some the book was infamous; to others it was a clarion call to action.  To it, more than any other, we probably owe the torrent of literature on the topic that was about to be written.  (Francis Schaeffer did publish a rather similar, though more wide-ranging critique, The Great Evangelical Disaster [Crossway, 1984].)  In 1979, Lindsell published a follow-up, The Bible in the Balance (Zondervan, 1979), updating the various criticisms and observations he had made. 

            One thing Lindsell's Battle for the Bible did was to stir up open opposition among evangelicals to inerrancy.  The leader of these was perhaps Jack Rogers (still active in the PCUSA).  In 1977, Rogers edited a volume, published by Word, called Biblical Authority in which he got various leading and respected evangelicals to question the clarity of Lindsell's vision.  He and Donald McKim then followed up two years later with what has become the Bible of the anti-inerrantists—Jack Rogers and Donald McKim's The Authority and Interpretation of the Bible:  An Historical Approach (Harper and Row, 1979), in which they suggest that the history of the church revealed that the current conservative evangelical position on the inerrancy of the Bible was an historical novelty and simply a rationalist philosophical position wrongly obtruded on believers.  Warfield was their chief bogeyman and old Princeton their chief target.

            Rogers' and McKim's work was subjected to a number of critical reviews, none more searching than John Woodbridge's Biblical Authority:  A Critique of the Rogers/McKim Proposal (Zondervan, 1982).  If you haven't read them, suffice it to say that Woodbridge, a more careful historian than Rogers and McKim, absolutely disassembles their thesis.  Woodbridge's book, however, is rarely read by non-evangelicals and so has not served to stop the myth that Rogers and McKim have rather successfully sold to an uncritical audience that wants to agree with them.



The ICBI and its Progeny


            One of the unwitting results of Lindsell's book, along with Rogers and McKim's thesis, was to galvanize conservative evangelicals into reflection and writing.  And so the International Council on Biblical Inerrancy was formed and operated from 1977 to 1987.  The plan, all along, was to have a limited life, so as not to form another institution which could go astray.  It's purpose was to hold conferences and publish books to the end of championing the traditional position on the inerrancy of Scripture.  And their efforts—and those of their friends at the time—have left us one of the richest stores of literature on inerrancy.  Here is an incomplete list, but perhaps comprising the most important productions of the period:

            James Montgomery Boice, ed., The Foundations of Biblical Authority (Zondervan, 1978).  This was the first of the ICBI productions.  It was quickly followed by a booklet published by ICBI, James Montgomery Boice, Does Inerrancy Matter? (1979).

            Earl Radmacher, ed., Can We Trust the Bible? (Tyndale House, 1979).  This was the second collaborative ICBI production.  It was the companion piece to Boice's Foundations of Biblical Authority.  Boice's edited volume had presented six position papers from the October 1978 ICBI Chicago Summit; Radmacher's now presented six sermons from that same conference.

            Norman Geisler, ed., Inerrancy (Zondervan, 1980).  Another ICBI production, the collection of some of the papers from their first "summit", the conference which produced the Chicago Statement on Biblical Inerrancy.  R. C. Sproul produced a brief commentary on the Chicago Statement, Explaining Inerrancy (ICBC, 1980).

            Roger Nicole and J. Ramsey Michaels, eds., Inerrancy and Common Sense (Baker, 1980).  This was a festschrift in honor of Harold John Ockenga, and served as a manifesto that the Gordon-Conwell faculty (which its authors mainly were) were supporters of inerrancy.

            D. A. Carson and John D. Woodbridge, eds., Scripture and Truth (Zondervan, 1983).  This may be the best in all this series of edited volumes, it's papers seeming to break through to a longer and somewhat more formidable level of scholarship.  That's a good thing!

            Ronald Youngblood, ed., Evangelicals and Inerrancy (Nelson, 1984).  This is a highly interesting selection of articles published in the Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society in the previous 30 years on the topic of inerrancy.

            Earl Radmacker and Robert Preus, eds., Hermeneutics, Inerrancy and the Bible (Zondervan, 1984).  This was the collection of papers from the second ICBI summit.  This is one of the best of all of these collections.

            John Hannah, ed., Inerrancy and the Church (Moody, 1984).  This is another ICBI production, this time focusing on the history of the church's discussion of the issue.

            D. A. Carson and John Woodbridge, eds., Hermeutics, Authority and Canon (Zondervan, 1986).  This is a companion volume to the other Carson and Woodbridge volume, again not an official ICBI product, but sympathetic and with papers of a high academic quality.  The final chapter in this volume is an excellent essay on the canon by David Dunbar.

            Kenneth Kantzer, ed., Applying the Scriptures (Zondervan, 1987).  This is the series of papers from the third and final ICBI summit.

            Harvie Conn, ed., Inerrancy and Hermeneutic (Baker, 1988).  This is a good collection of papers from the faculty of Westminster Theological Seminary.

            Kenneth Kantzer and Carl F. H. Henry, eds., Evanglelical Affirmations (Zondervan, 1990).  These are papers from a conference not primarily on inerrancy, but it is interesting to see how the topic continues to be worked out in the papers of David Wells and others.

            It should be mentioned during all this time that individual authors were also putting out volumes on the topic of the Bible and its inerrant nature.  J. I. Packer in 1980 brought out a series of his articles on the topic, under the title Beyond the Battle for the Bible (Crossway).  Ronald Nash did a fine little piece of popularized systematic theology on the issue, The Word of God and the Mind of Man (Zondervan, 1982).  James Montgomery Boice published addresses he had given at ICBI conferences in a 1984 volume entitled Standing on the Rock:  Upholding Biblical Authority in a Secular Age (Baker 1984; 2nd ed Kregel 1994).

            Most notable of all was Carl F. H. Henry's 6-volume series God, Revelation and Authority (Word 1976-1983; rpt. Crossway, 1999).   As we near twenty years from Henry's completion of his massive work, it looks clearly dated, but arguably even more important.  Philosophical issues of epistemology and meaning have dominated the discussions during the intervening years, discussions which Henry was already engaging at a high level.  More recently, David Wells' No Place for Truth, or Whatever Happened to Evangelical Theology (Eerdmans, 1993), does some of the same kind of work in a more applied and contemporary manner.  The implications of inerrancy and truthfulness are carefully considered and well-illustrated.



The Southern Baptists


            Though some of the authors just mentioned are Southern Baptists (e.g., Carl Henry, Ronald Nash, Roger Nicole), I want to give special attention to what was happening among them.  Lindsell targeted the Southern Baptist Convention especially with one chapter in his Battle for the Bible, but all he did was help to ignite a controversy that had been going publicly, though intermittently, since the early 1960's.  W. A. Criswell's Why I Preach That the Bible is Literally True (Broadman, 1969) was The text about the whole issue for many Baptists.  In 1980, Russ Bush and Tom Nettles, at the time both professors at Southwestern Seminary, did some historical excavations among Baptist theologians of the past and produced their own, denomination-specific rebuttal of Rogers and McKim.  No suggestion that inerrancy was alien to the Baptist tradition could well survive this 400-plus-page survey—Baptists and the Bible, (Moody, 1980). 

            As the ICBI wound down, the heat was boiling in the SBC.  In 1987, Duane Garrett and Richard Melick, Jr., edited Authority and Interpretation:  A Baptist Perspective (Baker, 1987).  Official denominational authorities produced an ICBI-like conference at Ridgecrest, called "The Conference on Biblical Inerrancy."  In many ways, this was a command performance by many of the main "northern evangelicals" with responses by a liberal, and also by a conservative Southern Baptist leader.  The speakers included historian Mark Noll, Lutheran theologian Robert Preus, and many others, including J. I. Packer, Kenneth Kantzer, Millard Erickson and Clark Pinnock.  The papers were published as The Proceedings of the Conference on Biblical Inerrancy 1987 (Broadman, 1987).  No editor is listed.  The papers are of varying quality, of course, but of great interest historically.  An odd combination of an historical and theological collection of essays is Beyond the Impasse?  Scripture, Interpretation & Theology in Baptist Life, edited by Robison B. James and David S. Dockery (Broadman, 1992).  A number of the leading figures on both sides of the controversy contributed essays to this volume.

            On a purely historical note, the pointed question of inerrancy raised the even larger question of Baptist identity.  It was all part of the struggle going on to define the denomination and its agencies.  One piece done so early that it became a part of the struggle was Nancy Ammerman's Baptist Battles (Rutgers, 1990).  This is the work that demonstrated (to those still doubting it) that the struggle in the SBC was not just about power—but it was, as the conservatives had maintained—about theology.  David Dockery edited an interesting volume, Southern Baptists and American Evangelicals (Broadman & Holman, 1993), which show the depth of the questions that the inerrancy controversy had raised.  Two notable recent recountings of the struggles are Paul Pressler's A Hill on Which to Die (Broadman & Holman, 1999) and Jerry Sutton's The Baptist Reformation (Broadman & Holman, 2000).



That's not all folks . . . .


            Many other books could be mentioned.  Let me simply give you one more related category.  Questions of inerrancy often arise from particular difficulties that seem to arise from reading—something that seems hard to understand, or even a discrepancy.  There is a genre of books which deal with just such passages in the Bible.  A few of them are John W. Haley, Alleged Discrepancies of the Bible (1874; rpt. Baker, 1977); Gleason Archer, Encyclopedia of Bible Difficulties (Zondervan, 1982); Norman Geisler and Thomas Howe, When Critics Ask:  A Popular Handbook on Bible Difficulties (Victor, 1992); Walter C. Kaiser, Jr., and others, Hard Sayings of the Bible (IVP, 1996).  Too, a number of Josh McDowell's books would fit in this category.

            There have also been fresh efforts to examine and consider the sufficiency of Scripture.  Noel Weeks wrote The Sufficiency of Scripture (Banner of Truth, 1988).  Don Kistler has edited Sola Scriptura!  The Protestant Position on the Bible (1995) with contributions by Robert Godfrey, Sinclair Ferguson, John MacArthur and others.  Keith A. Mathison has written The Shape of Sola Scriptura (Canon Press, 2001).  David King and William Webster have collaborated to produce, Holy Scripture:  The Ground and Pillar of Our Faith (3 vols., 2001), a careful look at biblical and historical evidence for the sufficiency of Scripture.  And an excellent new British initiative has just resulted in the publication of Paul Helm & Carl Trueman, eds., The Trustworthiness of God:  Perspectives on the nature of Scripture (IVP, 2002).

            Three very different books remain to be mentioned.  One book which is not written by an evangelical Christian, but which has proved to be good medicine when first encountering various literary criticisms is Frederick C. Crews, The Pooh Perplex (E. P. Dutton, 1965).  In this book, Crews carefully, sarcastically and humorously "proves" that the Winnie the Pooh stories actually have multiple authors.  There could hardly be a more enjoyable send-up and devastating critique of many kinds of literary criticism, not to mention an expose of the arbitrariness of any such studies "assured results."

            One particularly important area of controversy about inerrancy has been the renewed controversies surrounding the life of Jesus.  Legions of books have been published about this.  Perhaps the best one volume to get to introduce the whole topic is a volume composed, in part, of a debate between William Lane Craig and John Dominic Crossan.  It is called Will the Real Jesus Please Stand Up? ed., Paul Copan (Baker, 1998).  It is engaging, sharp, makes reference to other contemporary literature, and is presented with additional sections which help the reader with particular concerns.

            I've saved the best for last.  If I could just recommend one book on the inerrancy of the Bible it would undoubtedly be this one—John Wenham, Christ and the Bible (Tyndale Press, 1972 [UK]; IVP, 1973 [US]).  Wenham's book has been through three editions and makes the simple point that our trust in Scripture is to be a part of our following Christ, because that is the way that He treated Scripture—as true, and therefore authoritative.  (Robert Lightner, a professor of Systematic Theology at Dallas Seminary published a similar book a few years later, A Biblical Case for Total Inerrancy:  How Jesus Viewed the Old Testament [Kregel, 1978].)  Wenham had first put these ideas in print with a little Tyndale pamphlet in 1953 called Our Lord's View of the Old Testament.   In Christ and the Bible, Wenham, who taught Greek for many years at Oxford, an Anglican evangelical, has done us all a great service in providing us with a book which understands that we do not come by our adherence to Scripture fundamentally from the inductive resolutions of discrepancies, but from the teaching of the Lord Jesus.  Only because of the Living Word may we finally know to trust the Written Word.  May God use these resources of those who've gone before us to equip and encourage us in so trusting.

 

 

[BOXED BRIEF SUGGESTION]

            To get up to speed on this issue, and to help you with your ministry, consider the following recommendations.

            MUST READ: Wenham

            SHOULD READ: Warfield, Packer's "Fundamentalism" and the Word of God, Lindsell, any one of the edited volumes of your choosing!


Saturday, August 16, 2008

Article "A Spiritual Banquet: John Calvin on the Lord's Supper"

http://www.theologian.org.uk/doctrine/calvinonthelordssupper.html#_ednref77

A Spiritual Banquet: John Calvin on the Lord's Supper

by Matthew W. Mason

What we have so far said of the Sacrament abundantly shows that…it was ordained to be frequently used among all Christians in order that they might frequently return in memory to Christ's Passion, by such remembrance to sustain and strengthen their faith, and urge themselves to sing thanksgiving to God and to proclaim his goodness…. [T]he Lord's Table should have been spread at least once a week for the assembly of Christians, and the promises declared in it should feed us spiritually…. All, like hungry men, should flock to such a bounteous repast. [1]

It seems unlikely that many 21st century Anglican evangelicals would echo John Calvin's sentiments.  Judging by church websites and quarter cards, few evangelical congregations share his passion for the Lord's Supper.  Services of Holy Communion tend to happen only once a month, morning and evening, and less frequent celebration is not uncommon.

A comparison of 21st century publications with those of the 16th century would show a similar picture.  Carl Trueman, bemoaning evangelical neglect of the Supper, cites as evidence recent theology primers that neglect 'the theology of the Lord's Supper in the litany of what are otherwise considered to be evangelical essentials and distinctives.'[2]  This stands in marked contrast to the flurry of tracts, books and liturgies produced by both the Continental and the English Reformers.  Doubtless this is, at least in part, due to our different historical context –sexuality and the clarity of God's revelation in Scripture are now more pressing concerns – but it may also betoken a diminished regard for the Lord's Table.

There are probably many other reasons for contemporary neglect of the sacraments, one of which is surely a healthy desire to avoid the errors of Roman and Anglo-Catholic sacramental theologies.  In an effort to avoid an unbiblical ex opere operato view of the sacraments, evangelicals have downplayed their importance, and view with suspicion language that suggests any kind of presence of Christ at the Supper.  However, perhaps another major reason for their neglect is a lack of understanding of the nature and role of the sacraments in the life of the church: it is doubtful that we will value the means of grace if we do not understand them.  This, again, is in contrast to the Reformers.  For,

While the Protestant Reformation cleared away the superstition surrounding the sacraments, it nevertheless recognized the place given by Scripture to baptism and the Lord's Supper, which, alongside the Word, deliver the gospel to sinners. [3]

Of course, the Reformers may have got it wrong; we must hold their thinking to the bar of Scripture.  Nevertheless, the fact that we have moved away from what they did and taught should at least give us pause for thought.  Calvin urged frequent use of the Lord's Supper because he valued it highly, and if he is correct, our neglect of the Supper is tantamount to hungry people deciding to starve themselves three weeks out of every four when they could be at a banquet. 

In the light of this, I propose to examine Calvin's eucharistic teaching in the hope that an increased understanding of the arguments of this key Reformation theologian concerning the Supper will lead us to an increased valuing of it.  I shall not further discuss issues such as how often we should celebrate the Supper, or quite how it should be done, or whether or not children should be admitted to the Lord's Table.  Rather, I will concentrate on the theological significance of breaking bread and drinking wine as we gather as the Lord's people.  Only as we understand this can we hope to make headway in answering other questions we may have.

It may seem strange to examine the teaching of one particular theologian, no matter how eminent, rather than simply expounding the teaching of the Scriptures.  But, for Anglican evangelicals in particular, and indeed for English evangelicals more generally, Calvin's eucharistic theology is significant if only because it is shared by our English Reformers, as expressed in the Book of Common Prayer, the Articles of Religion, and works such as Cranmer's Defence of the True and Catholick Doctrine of the Sacrament[4] and Ridley's Treatise Against the Error of Transubstantiation.[5]   Moreover, Calvin is, I suspect, the theologian to whom most of us look as the exemplar of rigorous evangelical thinking.  Thus, even if we decide that the Reformers fall short of the Bible at this point, it behoves us at least to understand the heritage from which we are departing.

However, more importantly, Calvin's doctrine of the Supper also faithfully captures the essence of the biblical teaching, as I hope to demonstrate.  Melvin Tinker has argued in Churchman, from the perspective of speech act theory, that Calvin's view is fundamentally correct.[6]  Here I shall argue from a more extended exposition of Calvin's writings and a consideration of perhaps the key biblical text, 1 Corinthians 10:16f.

Calvin's view of the Lord's Supper must be understood in its 16th century context.  As is well known, there were three leading contemporary alternatives: Roman, Lutheran and Zwinglian.       

Calvin's doctrine faithfully captures the essence of biblical teaching.

Rome held that 'after the consecration of the bread and wine, our Lord Jesus Christ, true God and man, is truly, really and substantially contained under the species of those sensible things.'[7]  This happens because,

a conversion is made of the whole substance of the bread into the substance of the body of Christ our Lord, and of the whole substance of the wine into the substance of His blood.[8] 

One looks at the bread, perceiving bread: the accidents, the bread's sensory aspects, remain unchanged.  However, as the substance has changed, when one eats one chews the substance of Christ's body. 

Owing to this substantial change, it is right to 'render in veneration the worship of latria, which is due to the true God, to this holy sacrament.'[9]  In addition, the Mass is a sacrifice:

[I]n this divine sacrament which is celebrated in the mass, that same Christ is contained and immolated in an unbloody manner, who once offered Himself in a bloody manner on the altar of the cross."[10] 

Therefore, it is 'truly propitiatory…. For the victim is one and the same.'[11]

Against Rome, Martin Luther denied that the Mass is a sacrifice: 'It is quite certain that Christ cannot be sacrificed over and above the one single time he sacrificed himself.'[12]  Indeed, 'Such daily sacrificing…is the greatest blasphemy and abomination ever known on the earth.'[13]  He also denied the doctrine of transubstantiation.[14]

However, although he disagreed with Rome over the mode of Christ's presence, Luther did insist, over against Zwingli, that Christ was bodily, albeit invisibly, present in the bread and wine.[15]  Thus, in the Supper, 'he is just as near to us physically as he was to [those who touched him during his earthly life].'[16] This being the case, Luther could maintain 'both the physical and spiritual eating.  The mouth eats the body of Christ physically.'[17]  He did not, however, believe that physical eating is sufficient: faith is vital, otherwise 'physical eating is…poisonous and deadly',[18] hence the importance for Luther of keeping Word and sacrament together, for faith comes by hearing the Word of God. 

In order to explain how the exalted Christ could be at God's right hand and locally present in the Supper Luther developed the doctrine of ubiquity.  The key to this was to understand, against Rome and Zwingli, that,

The right hand of God is not a specific place in which a body must or may be, such as on a golden throne, but is the almighty power of God, which at one and the same time can be nowhere and yet must be everywhere.[19]

In addition to this, Luther argues for the direct communication of the Christ's natures which meant that whatever is predicated of Christ's divine nature can also be predicated of his human nature.  As a result, Christ could be physically present anywhere, even in many places at once: his body, as well as his divine nature, is ubiquitous.  To suggest otherwise, according to Luther, would be to separate the divine and human natures, and so fall into Nestorianism.  Because of the doctrine of ubiquity, Luther could construct a neat syllogism:

Christ's body is at the right hand of God…. The right hand of God, however, is everywhere…. Therefore, [Christ's body] surely is present also in the bread and wine at table.[20] 

For Luther this is vital as, if Christ is to be gracious, he must be present.

Huldrich Zwingli viewed Luther's Christology as fundamentally Eutychian, involving a fusion of Christ's divine and human natures.[21]  He therefore denied the ubiquity of Christ's humanity.  Rather, as Christ is present at God's right hand – a particular physical location – he cannot be present physically in the Supper.[22]  The sacrament is no more than a sign of the thing signified.[23]  Hence, the words, 'this is my body' are figurative, just as when Jesus said, 'I am the vine', he did not mean he was literally a vine.[24]  Indeed, if Christ's body were present, 'its mass and substance would be perceived, and it would be pressed with the teeth.'[25]  The Supper is simply a memorial of Christ's death:[26] 'the bread is only a figure of his body to remind us in the Supper that the body was crucified for us.'[27]

The eucharistic differences separating Luther and Zwingli came to a head in 1529 at the Colloquy of Marburg.   At Marburg, the German and Swiss reformers agreed on fourteen articles out of fifteen.  In the fifteenth article they agreed on five out of six points.  However, they failed to reach an agreement 'on whether the true body and blood of Christ are bodily present in the bread and wine.'[28]   This led to a tragic split in the Magisterial Reformation, and provided a spur for Calvin to seek 'common ground among the different branches of the Reformation.'[29] 

Before considering his view of the Supper, it will be helpful to grasp his theology of the sacraments generally.  For Calvin, sacraments are

an aid to our faith related to the preaching of the gospel…an outward sign by which the Lord seals on our consciences the promises of his goodwill toward us in order to sustain the weakness of our faith; and we in turn attest our piety towards him in the presence of the Lord and of his angels and before men.[30]

Three things are noteworthy.  Firstly, sacraments are related to the preaching of the gospel: 'a sacrament is never without a preceding promise but is joined to it as a sort of appendix.'[31]  But, when joined to the Word, they 'have the same office as the Word of God: to offer and set forth Christ to us, and in him the treasures of heavenly grace.'[32]  Their primary direction is therefore God to us, not us to God, in contrast to the Roman Mass.  Secondly, as an outward sign and seal the sacraments assure us that God's promises are reliable.  It is not that the Word is insufficient; nevertheless we are weak, and so God in his grace provides seals, like those on government documents, to assure us of the truth of his promises.[33]

The sacraments do what the Word does, but better, because they also contain a visible component:[34]  'The sacraments bring the clearest promises; and they have this characteristic over and above the word because they represent them for us as painted in a picture from life.'[35]  Thus, they make the Word 'more vivid and sure.'[36]  Thirdly, sacraments do not, contra Rome, work ex opere operato.  They must be received by faith: this is the God-ward movement as, in response to his promises, we attest our piety.[37]   However, even this God-ward movement is dependent on God's prior, gracious activity.  The Spirit must work through the sacraments to confirm our faith. They

properly fulfil their office only when the Spirit…comes to them, by whose power alone hearts are penetrated and affections moved and our soul opened for the sacraments to enter in.[38]

Within this context, Calvin views the Supper as a banquet, whereby we feed on Christ.[39]  Christ himself is 'the only true food of our soul,'[40] but God gives 'visible signs best adapted to our small capacity.'[41]  The Supper is thus a covenant sign and seal, annexed to God's Word.[42]  Hence, Calvin agrees with Luther and Zwingli, against Rome, that the Word of God is indispensable to right administration. 

With Zwingli, Calvin agrees that the Supper is a memorial.  The Roman Mass 'suppresses and buries the cross and Passion of Christ,' suggesting that it is as weak as the Old Testament sacrifices, because it must be repeated frequently.[43]   In contrast, the Supper, rightly understood, does not re-enact Christ's sacrifice.  Rather, it

directs and leads us to the cross of Jesus Christ and to his resurrection, to certify us that whatever iniquity there may be in us, the Lord nevertheless recognises and accepts us as righteous.[44]

Christ does not become bread for us in the Supper; he gave himself as bread once for all when he died.[45]  Thus, because the Mass re-offers Christ, whereas the Supper focuses on his one perfect sacrifice of himself, 'There is as much difference between [the Mass] and the sacrament of the Supper as there is between giving and receiving.'[46]  Calvin consistently stresses God's gracious act in Christ, against the Roman view which transforms the Supper into a religion of human works.

However, Calvin goes beyond Zwingli.  We do not simply remember Christ in the Supper; we also feed on him.  The Supper's chief function is not simply to recall the cross to our minds, but to

seal and confirm that promise by which he testifies that his flesh is food indeed and his blood is drink [John 6:56], which feed us unto eternal life [John 6:55].[47] 

In contrast to a typical Roman Catholic view, Calvin does not view John 6 as eucharistic;[48] 'it would have been inept and unseasonable to preach about the Lord's Supper before He had instituted it.'[49] Indeed, to suggest that Jesus here speaks of the Supper, inverts the relationship, for 'we might say that Christ intended the holy Supper to be a seal of this discourse.'[50]  John 6 does not speak of the Supper; the Supper signs and seals the promises of John 6.

There is evidence that Zwingli eventually moved away from a purely memorialist position, to a view that is closer to Calvin's own, teaching that in the Supper the body of Christ is eaten 'sacramentally and spiritually.'[51]  However, on a classically 'Zwinglian' view, as outlined above, and as espoused by many contemporary evangelicals, it is questionable whether eating the Supper is necessary.  One might just as well remember Jesus' death by being present at the Supper; it is hard to see what consuming the bread and wine would add.  Zwingli does not suggest that partaking is unnecessary, but his theology, at least in its earlier form, implies it is not vital.  In spite of his sacramental theology being poles apart from Rome, at this point, and for entirely different reasons, they are very close: attendance alone is required to receive the Supper's benefits. 

In contrast, Calvin does not separate remembering and feeding.  He sees in the memorialist viewpoint a danger of dividing the signs of the Supper (bread and wine) from the things signified (Christ's body and blood).  The Supper 'is not a bare figure, but is combined with the reality and substance.'[52]  Whilst it is correct to distinguish the sacrament from the reality it signifies, one must not divide them: sign and signified belong together; therefore, it is right to speak of Christ's presence in the Supper, for in order for us to feed on Christ, he must be present.  Calvin's 'argument with the Roman Catholics and Lutherans was over the mode of Christ's presence, not the fact of that presence.' [53]

Calvin denies physical presence, which would necessarily involve a christological heresy.

It is therefore important to specify what Calvin means when he speaks of Christ's presence.   In order to do so, we must understand that union with Christ is at the heart of his doctrine of the Lord's Supper.[54] 

Against Luther and Rome, Calvin denies physical presence, which necessarily involves a christological heresy:

[W]e must establish such a presence of Christ in the Supper as may neither fasten him to the element of bread, nor enclose him in the bread, nor circumscribe him in any way, [nor] parcel him out to many places at once, [nor] invest him with boundless magnitude to be spread through heaven and earth.  For these things are plainly in conflict with a nature truly human.[55]

Christ is locally and physically in heaven.  Nevertheless,

There is no ground…for any individual to charge us with holding that he is absent from us, and thus separating the head from the members…but, dwelling in us by his Spirit he raises us to heaven to himself, transfusing into us the vivifying vigour of his flesh.[56] 

Thus, contra Luther, there is no need for Christ to be physically present in the bread and wine in order to be gracious to us.  For, if we are united to him by his Spirit, he is never absent from us, we are never outside of him.[57]  The Spirit raises us to heaven to feed spiritually on Christ, even as we feed physically on the bread and wine.  Thus, a double feeding takes place: 'our souls are fed by the flesh and blood of Christ in the same way that bread and wine keep and sustain physical life.'[58]

In this manner, Calvin overcomes the Zwinglian problem, and demonstrates why partaking of the Supper is vital to receiving its benefits.  He also shows a richer understanding of the benefits that flow from the Supper.  We do not simply remember Christ's death as we partake, rather we actively feed on the body and blood of the crucified Saviour.

This language of being lifted up to heaven to feed on Christ probably sounds strange to many modern evangelical ears.  This is quite possibly because we have neglected the central soteriological importance of the doctrine of union with Christ.  Calvin's view here is simply an extension of what Ephesians 2 teaches about faith-union more generally.  In bringing those who are dead in trespasses and sins (v1) to life together with Christ (v5), God raised us with him and seated us with him in the heavenly places in Christ Jesus (v6).  Making alive and raising are not here two different activities; the latter further explains the former: to be raised is to be made alive.[59]  This life-giving resurrection is linked with God's grace in salvation (v6), which is received through faith (v8), suggesting that we are raised at the point of faith-union with Christ, i.e. conversion.[60]

The Supper therefore reaffirms this union as, by the working of the Spirit, it signs and seals to us God's gracious promises in Christ, strengthening our faith, and so raising us up to feed once again on Christ.  It is not that we ever stop being united to Christ; rather, this ongoing union is strengthened and nourished as we feed on him spiritually even as we feed on the bread and wine physically. 

In contrast with modern evangelicals, the importance of faith-union for Calvin is seen in the way it pervades his eucharistic writings.  Indeed, it is an even more significant theme than that of remembering Christ's death.  He constantly emphasises that in the Supper, by the Spirit, believers feed on Christ as they feed on the bread and wine.  Put crudely, the Spirit bridges the vast physical gap that separates Christ from the believer.[61]

Therefore, Christ's presence in the Supper is not physical and ontological, versus Rome and Luther; but it is a true presence, versus Zwingli.  Calvin's view is best described as a spiritual and functional presence, 'with the Lord being present not in the elements themselves but through the actions done with them.'[62]   As signs and signifiers belong together,

The bread and the wine are visible signs, which represent to us the body and blood, but…this name and title of body and blood is given to them because they are as it were instruments by which the Lord distributes them to us.[63]

Therefore,

We must confess…that if the representation which God gives us in the Supper is true, the internal substance of the sacrament is conjoined with the physical signs [Note, Calvin does not say that the physical signs become the internal substance] and as the bread is distributed to us by the hand, so the body of Christ is communicated to us in order that we may be partakers of it.[64]

However, rather than speaking of Christ's presence to the believer in the Supper, it may be more helpful to speak of the believer's presence to and with Christ; it is not that Christ comes down and makes himself present to the believer, but rather, the believer is lifted up by the Spirit and made present with Christ.  Thus, Keith Mathison suggests that, in contrast to Roman transubstantiation and Lutheran consubstantiation, we might helpfully designate Calvin's view

suprasubstantiation…. The prefix supra means "above," beyond," or "transcending," [and] communicates the idea that there is a real participation in the substance of Christ's body and blood, as Calvin taught, but that this participation occurs on a plane that transcends and parallels the plane in which the physical signs exist.[65]

However, the question arises as to whether Scripture supports Calvin's view at this point.  Much biblical language concerning the Supper focuses precisely on remembering Christ's death,[66] which would seem to support a more classically Zwinglian view.

"We might helpfully designate Calvin's veiw suprasubstantiation."

Calvin's understanding turns on I Corinthians 10:16f, where Paul warns the Corinthians to flee idolatry, and avoid participating in pagan altars and the cups of demons (vv18-22).  To support his exhortation he argues from what happens when Christians share together in the Lord's Supper: they participate in[67] Christ's body and blood (v16).  Calvin takes this to mean that believers enjoy communion with the risen Christ.  They do so not in a crude, physical sense, nevertheless, they do so truly:

I agree that the reference to the cup as a communion is a figure of speech, but only so long as the truth which the figure conveys is not destroyed; in other words, provided that the reality itself is also present and the soul receives the communion in the blood, just as the mouth tastes the wine.[68]

However, Gordon Fee and C. K. Barrett challenge this interpretation.  Noting that in v17 body refers to the church, they suggest that it must mean the same thing in v16.[69]  So Fee,

[Paul] does not mean that by eating the bread believers have some mystical participation in the 'broken body' of Christ, but, as he clearly interprets in v. 17, they are herewith affirming that through Christ's death they are 'partners' in the redeemed community.[70]

Nevertheless, both commentators appear to ignore the parallelism in v16:

                        a participation in        the blood of Christ (16a)

                                                            the body of Christ (16b)

In the New Testament, Christ's people are never described as his blood, so v16a cannot refer to the church; it must refer to Christ's blood shed on the cross.  Therefore, v16b probably contains a parallel reference to Jesus' body broken on the cross.  Hence, it seems most likely that v16 refers to the crucified Christ himself, in whom the Corinthians participate when they share in the Supper.  This gives body a referent different in v16 from v17, where it clearly refers to the church, which is one body, although made up of many members.  However, it is not impossible for a word to change its referent so quickly (cf. e.g. all in Romans 5:18).

This being the case, Paul's meaning appears to run along these lines: Christians who receive the bread and cup at the Supper participate spiritually in Christ's body and blood (v16).  Therefore, because there is one bread (Christ's physical body, signified by the bread), we who are many are one body (one church), because we all partake of the one bread (Christ) (v17).  

If this exegesis is correct, Calvin's reading of v16f, and his overall understanding of the spiritual presence of Christ in the Supper, seems to be the most plausible of those on offer.

Since the benefits of the Supper flow from union with Christ, there are corresponding implications for those who are not joined to him by faith.  The bread and wine, as visible words, must be received by faith: 'men bear away from this sacrament no more than they gather with the vessel of faith.'[71]  For,

just as rain falling upon a hard rock flows off because no entrance opens into the stone, the wicked by their hardness so repel God's grace that it does not reach them.[72] 

Thus, unbelievers receive no benefit from partaking in the Supper.  Indeed, it is worse than this.  Those who eat unworthily are not in a neutral position regarding the covenant of which the Supper speaks.  Like any covenantal activity, the Supper is annexed with blessings and curses, so faithless partakers eat and drink covenant curses upon themselves.  They eat condemnation for 'having profaned the mystery by trampling underfoot the pledge of sacred union with God, which they ought reverently to have received.'[73] 

Further, union with Christ has horizontal, as well as vertical implications, as the Epistle to the Ephesians makes clear.  As those united with Christ, believers are united to each other.  Thus, because the Lord's Supper has union with Christ at its heart, it has serious implications for Christian unity; it should lead believers to mutual love.[74]  If this is absent, the Supper 'is turned into a deadly poison,' just as it is for those without faith.[75]

In so teaching, Calvin faithfully reflects the teaching of I Corinthians 11:27-29.  In 11:29, body most likely refers back to 10:17,[76] where it refers to the church, suggesting that Paul is addressing the problem of the loveless relationships characterising the Corinthian congregation (cf ch13).  The context of chapter 11 strengthens this view: the divisions and factions (vv19f) in the Corinthian church were demonstrated by their loveless attitude towards one another, particularly those who had nothing, as they came together to eat the Lord's Supper (20-22).  They were profaning Christ's death (v26f) because they were failing to discern his body; that is, in not loving one another, they were failing to recognise Christ's body the church, brought into existence through the very death they were proclaiming as they ate and drank.

And so they ate and drank God's judgement (v29).  Just as there are very real spiritual benefits from feeding on Christ by faith in the Supper, benefits that contemporary evangelicals often downplay, so there are very real spiritual dangers from feeding in an unworthy, faithless and loveless manner. 

Cranmer's attempts to fence the Table by including in his eucharistic liturgy dire warnings of the dangers of unworthy reception demonstrate a strongly Calvinistic theology of the Supper:

Dearly beloved in the Lord, ye that mind to come to the holy Communion of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ, must consider how Saint Paul exhorteth all persons diligently to try and examine themselves, before they presume to eat of the Bread, and drink of that Cup.  For as the benefit is great, if with a true penitent heart and lively faith we receive the holy Sacrament; (for then we spiritually eat the flesh of Christ, and drink his blood; then we dwell in Christ, and Christ in us; we are one with Christ, and Christ with us;) [77] so is the danger great, if we receive the same unworthily.  For then we are guilty of the Body and Blood of Christ our Saviour; we eat and drink our own damnation, not considering the Lord's Body; we kindle God's wrath against us; we provoke him to plague us with divers diseases, and sundry kinds of death.  Judge yourselves, brethren, that ye be not judged of the Lord; repent you truly for your sins past; have a lively and stedfast faith in Christ our Saviour; amend your lives and be in perfect charity with all men; so shall ye be meet partakers of those holy mysteries.[78]

Cranmer's words sound extreme to our ears.  It would be rare to hear something similar prior to the administration of the Supper in modern Anglican evangelical churches.  Generally one might hear a welcome for all those who believe in Christ and have been baptised, leaving the lack of welcome for unbelievers implicit, rather than explicitly stated.  This again may well betray the lack of seriousness with which we take the Supper, and our lack of understanding of its attendant blessings and curses.

Evangelicals neglect the Supper at our peril.

In contrast, Calvin's eucharistic theology is biblically faithful, theologically rich and spiritually satisfying.  By placing union with Christ at the heart of his understanding, he surmounts the problems inherent in the Roman, Lutheran and Zwinglian views, and holds before believers the riches of God's provision in the bread and the cup, whereby God feeds us in 'a spiritual banquet, wherein Christ attests himself to be the life-giving bread, upon which our souls feed unto true and blessed immortality.'[79] 

This being the case, evangelicals neglect the Supper at our peril.  The Lord Jesus instituted it for our benefit; to disregard it is to put ourselves in danger of an eviscerated experience of God's gracious promises to us in his Son, and to deny ourselves the very real spiritual benefits that come from feeding on Christ as we partake of bread and wine.

Reinstating the Supper to its rightful place, alongside baptism and the preached Word, at the heart of what we do when we gather in the Lord's name, may involve significant changes to contemporary evangelical practises.  It may necessitate a reassessment of the purpose of our Sunday gatherings – are they for evangelism, or should the focus be the edification of believers, regardless of whether unbelievers are present (cf I Corinthians 14:24-26 in the context of the rest of the chapter)? It may require a clearer emphasis in our preaching on the importance and significance of union with Christ more generally, and the sacraments more particularly.  It may also raise questions of how often the Table should be spread, and who may partake.

Clearly a renewed appreciation of our sacramental heritage is not in and of itself the only solution to the challenges facing us at the dawn of the twenty-first century.  However, if Calvin is correct in his assessment of the biblical import of the Lord's Supper, as I believe he is, such an appreciation is vital if we are to enjoy fully the benefits of our union with the crucified and risen Christ.

[1] John Calvin Institutes of the Christian Religion John T. McNeill ed Ford Lewis Battles trans Library of Christian Classics (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1960 [1559]) IV.xvii.44, 46

[2] Carl Trueman 'The Incarnation and the Lord's Supper' 'The Word Became Flesh': Evangelicals and the Incarnation David Peterson ed (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2003): 185-208 citing p185

[3] Michael Horton A Better Way: Rediscovering the Drama of God-Centred Worship (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2002) p93

[4] Thomas Cranmer A Defence of the True and Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Our Saviour Jesus Christ (Lewes: Christian Focus Ministries Trust, 1987 [1550])

[5] Nicholas Ridley 'A Treatise Against the Error of Transubstantiation' The Works of Nicholas Ridley Henry Christmas ed (Cambridge: CUP, 1841)

[6] Melvin Tinker 'Language, Symbols and Signs: Was Calvin's View of the Lord's Supper Right?' Churchman 112/2 (1998): 131-149

[7] The Council of Trent The Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and Oecumenical Council of Trent J. Waterworth ed and trans (London: Dolman, 1848 [1545-1563]), <http://history.hanover.edu/texts/trent/trentall.html> Session XIII chapter I

[8] Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent Session XIII chap IV

[9] Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent Session XIII chap IV

[10] Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent Session XII chap II

[11] Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent Session XII chap II

[12] Martin Luther 'That These Words of Christ, 'This Is My Body,' etc., Still Stand Firm Against the Fanatics, 1527' Luther's Works Volume 37: Word and Sacrament III Robert H Fischer ed and trans (Phildelphia: Fortress, 1961) p143

[13] Luther 'This Is My Body' p143

[14] Luther 'This Is My Body' p64

[15] Luther 'This Is My Body' pp69-73

[16] Luther 'This Is My Body' p94

[17] Luther 'This Is My Body' p93

[18] Luther 'This Is My Body' p87

[19] Luther 'This Is My Body' p57

[20] Luther 'This Is My Body' pp63f

[21] On the Christological problems associated with a Lutheran view of the Supper see Donald Macleod The Person of Christ Contours of Christian Theology (Leicester: IVP, 1998) pp196-199; also Trueman 'The Incarnation and the Lord's Supper' p187-189

[22] Huldrych Zwingli 'On the Lord's Supper' Zwingli and Bullinger G. W. Bromiley trans The Library of Christian Classics vol XXIV (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1953 [1526]) p186

[23] Zwingli 'On the Lord's Supper' p188

[24] Zwingli 'On the Lord's Supper' p189f

[25] Zwingli 'On the Lord's Supper' pp190f

[26] E.g. Zwingli 'On the Lord's Supper' p229

[27] Zwingli 'On the Lord's Supper' p225

[28] Alister E McGrath Reformation Thought: An Introduction 3rd edn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999) p190

[29] Keith A Mathison Given For You: Reclaiming Calvin's Doctrine of the Lord's Supper (Phillipsburg NJ: Presbyterian and Reformed, 2002) p5

[30] Institutes IV.xiv.1

[31] Institutes IV.xiv.3

[32] Institutes IV.xiv.17

[33] Institutes IV.xiv.5-6

[34] Cf Ronald S Wallace Calvin's Doctrine of the Word and Sacrament (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1995) p137: 'the bare word cannot have its full effect without the sacraments.'

[35] Institutes IV.xiv.5

[36] Wallace Word and Sacrament p133

[37] On the necessity of faith see Institutes IV.xiv.7

[38] Institutes IV.xiv.9

[39] Institutes IV.xvii.1

[40] Institutes IV.xvii.1; cf Calvin 'A Short Treatise on the Holy Supper of Our Lord Jesus Christ' John Calvin Tracts: Containing Treatises on the Sacraments, Catechism of the Church of Geneva, Forms of Prayer, and Confessions of Faith, Volume Second Henry Beveridge trans (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1849 [1540]) §11

[41] Institutes IV.xvii.1

[42] cf Calvin 'Short Treatise' §6

[43] Institutes IV.xviii.3 citing Heb 9:12

[44] Calvin 'Short Treatise' §9

[45] Institutes IV.xvii.5

[46] Institutes IV.xviii.7

[47] Institutes IV.xvii.4

[48] John Calvin The Gospel According to St John: 1-10 T. H. L. Parker trans Calvin's Commentaries (Carlisle: Paternoster, 1961) p169

[49] Calvin John p170; cf D. A. Carson The Gospel According to John (Leicester: IVP, 1991) pp276-280, 294-299 for further reasons why John 6 is unlikely to be the Johannine record of the institution of the Supper

[50] Calvin John p170

[51] See Huldrich Zwingli 'An Exposition of the Faith' Zwingli and Bullinger G. W. Bromiley trans The Library of Christian Classics vol XXIV (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1953 [1531]): 245-279. In this brief work Zwingli restates the christological problems with suggesting that Christ can be physically present in the Supper.  He concludes that, 'as regards a natural, essential and localized presence the humanity is not here, for it has left the world.  Hence the body of Christ is not eaten by us naturally or literally, much less quantitatively, but sacramentally and spiritually' (p257).  To eat Christ spiritually 'is equivalent to trusting with heart and soul upon the mercy and goodness of God through Christ' and may be done without reference to the sacrament (p258).  To eat sacramentally, however, 'is to eat the body of Christ with the heart and the mind in conjunction with the sacrament' (p258, italics mine): a view that sounds very close indeed to Calvin.  I am grateful to Garry Williams for drawing this reference to my attention, and indeed for stimulating much of the thinking behind this article.

[52] 'Short Treatise' §15

[53] Cf Mathison Given For You p27

[54] Compare Institutes IV.xvii.11 with III.i.1; Mathison Given For You p273; Wallace Word and Sacrament p143

[55] Institutes IV.vii.19

[56] John Calvin 'Mutual Consent in Regard to the Sacraments; between the Ministers of the Church of Zurich and John Calvin, Minister of the Church of Geneva' John Calvin Tracts: Containing Treatises on the Sacraments, Catechism of the Church of Geneva, Forms of Prayer, and Confessions of Faith, Volume Second Henry Beveridge trans (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1849 [1554]) p240

[57] Luther, of course, understood the doctrine of faith union (e.g. Martin Luther 'The Freedom of a Christian' Martin Luther Three Treatises (Fortress Press, 1970 [1520]): 261-316; on faith-union see pp286-291).  Nevertheless, he appears not to have grasped its full implications for a biblical theology of the Lord's Supper.

[58] Institutes IV.xvii.10; cf John Calvin The First Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians John W. Fraser trans Calvin's Commentaries (Carlisle, Paternoster, 1960) p245

[59] Cf Peter T O'Brien The Letter to the Ephesians The Pillar New Testament Commentary (Leicester: Apollos, 1999) p170

[60] Cf Richard B Gaffin Jr The Centrality of the Resurrection: A Study in Paul's Soteriology (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1978) p42

[61] Institutes IV.xvii.10

[62] Tinker 'Language, Symbols and Signs' p144

[63] Calvin 'Short Treatise' §18

[64] Calvin 'Short Treatise' §19

[65] Keith Mathison Given For You pp279f

[66] E.g. Lk 22:14-22; I Cor 11:23-26

[67] koinonia, "communal participation" (Anthony C. Thistleton The First Epistle to the Corinthians: A Commentary on the Greek Text New International Greek Testament Commentary (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2000) p761)

[68] Calvin I Corinthians p216

[69] C. K. Barrett A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 2nd edn Black's New Testament Commentaries (London: A & C Black, 1971) p233; Gordon D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians, New International Commentary on the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987) p469

[70] Fee I Corinthians p469

[71] Institutes IV.xvii.33

[72] Institutes IV.xvii.33

[73] Institutes IV.xvii.33

[74] Institutes IV.xvii.38

[75] Institutes IV.xvii.39

[76] Fee I Corinthians p563

[77] Note the emphasis on feeding on Christ and union with him

[78] 'The Communion' in The Book of Common Prayer

[79] Institutes IV.xvii.

About the Author

Matthew W. Mason is Curate of St John's, Tunbridge Wells, having graduated from Oak Hill Theological College. This article first appeared in Churchman 117/4 (2003). He has also contributed to the website Edible Words.